Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf has perhaps the toughest job of any leader in Asia today. He well knew when he agreed to put Pakistan on the very front line of our post-Sept. 11 global alliance against terror just how many of his own people might consider him a "traitor" to their Taliban brethren, if not to Islam itself.

But Musharraf was never intimidated by such vocal, violent domestic critics, and he kept Pakistan's major cities -- Islamabad, Karachi and Lahore -- free of protest marches after the bombing of Northern Afghanistan began. But when heavy bombing continued throughout the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, many concerned voices from Muslims the world over were raised in opposition to Pakistan's continued support of "America's war against Islam." Pakistan's courageous president stayed the course, however, firmly committed to all agreements he'd made with Washington. By early December, when most Taliban were driven out of their Kandahar capital, Pakistan's frontier Pathans, much like their Afghan brothers, shaved their beards, women emerged from their burkhas and virtually all domestic opposition to President Musharraf melted in the sunshine of victory. The quiet general, born in Delhi, had in less than two years led his nation from the brink of collapse to a new spirit of power and pride.

Then came Dec. 13, when terrorists launched an attack on India's Parliament, where no fewer than 300 of India's elected leaders were meeting with members of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's cabinet. All five terrorists and nine innocents were killed in that assault. India's government blamed Pakistan and launched the largest build-up of Indian armed forces along the Line of Control in Kashmir and down through Punjab's international border.

Ballistic missiles capable of firing nuclear warheads are now aimed at Pakistan, and, though India has vowed never to launch a nuclear first strike against its smaller neighbor, Pakistan felt obliged to fortify its border. Many Pakistanis insist that India staged the attack on its own Parliament simply to give its army an excuse to cross Kashmir's volatile Line of Control and take the western quarter of Kashmir that has since 1947 been held by Pakistan.

Musharraf insists that Pakistan did not sponsor or in any way support that horrible New Delhi attack and has outlawed "terrorism in all forms" throughout Pakistan, closed the offices of militant Islamic groups and ordered the arrest of any Pakistani preaching hate or advocating violence; more than 1,000, including many popular mullahs, were put in custody.

In the last 54 years, no fewer than three wars have been fought between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. If a fourth war were to break out, it could, whether by accident or mad malice, turn nuclear.

It is a fine line that President Musharraf must walk. On one side, he must deal with the very real perils of cracking down on terrorism and Islamic militancy within his own borders. On the other is the threat of confrontation and war lurking across those same borders. One can only hope that he proves to be wise and strong enough to dance peacefully over this razor's edge.

Wolpert is an emeritus professor of history.